The community depends for its existence on the sports of which its members are fans, just as the sports, of course, depend upon the community of fans for support. They also work to make her a part of the community of LSU fans, "an 'I' who is part of a particular 'we'" 5.
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Howe, Leslie. Sports offer an opportunity for women to experience themselves as bodily agents, subjects rather than objectified "others. Tarver makes a convincing case that mascots function to unite individual fans into a community. What she does establish is that there is a way to be a sports fan that does not contribute to racism, misogyny, or heterosexism.
References Brennan, Daniel. Tarver has done a fine job of uncovering the oppressive ills of mascotting and sketching the outline of an alternative feminist model of fandom. Young, Iris Marion.
It would have xates the rhythm of the conversation. Dismissing sports as unimportant, unavoidably sexist, or unworthy of our attention may prevent feminists from studying one of the most powerful forces in contemporary society. Although this may be a positive phenomenon, it is not always so.
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She rattled it off fast, and only remember her though a mnemonic memory trick. Erin C. Their value is instrumental--to unify the fan community--while being excluded from that community, since their actual existence would be undeniable evidence of the falsity of the stereotypical and degrading mascot images. Women who participate in sport, either as athletes or fans, face unique expectations, negative stereotypes, and inequity as a consequence of their gender, as Jane English argued in her seminal examination of inequality in sport English Review Author Name:.
First, they fail to understand the necessarily cooperative nature of sport, its entailment of a mutual quest for excellence. The I in Team is an impressive and careful piece of scholarship.
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After presenting a devastating critique of sports fandom, Tarver makes an attempt to rehabilitate it in the final chapter of the book, arguing that women do sports fandom in a way that offers a morally and politically superior alternative. Boulder: L. Fans may cheer for black athletes, but they do so only for the reason, and to the extent, that the athletes function as mascots, unifying the community without being a part of it.
Tarver also shows, through the example of the WNBA Women's National Basketball Associationthat women's sports can provide a site of community for queer women.
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Daly, Helen L. In Ethics in sport. This brings us to the second element of the book: the argument that mascotting practices both reflect and create racial and gender inequality. Mascots act as markers that draw together disparate persons, events, plays, losses, wins, riots, championships, ticket sales, and so on, into an artificial unity--a team--that is then, in Foucault's language, understood as that which underlies all of these things, or is their causal origin. William J.
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Being and playing: Sport and the valorization of gender. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
That is, through participation in practices of sports fandom, fans create their identities as members of particular communities. Tarver uses chapters 4 through 6, the heart of the book, to make this case through application of the concept of mascotting to individual athletes.
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Although the book will be of greatest immediate interest to people working in the philosophy of sport, its import goes beyond disciplinary boundaries. Cambridge, Mass. One of the primary ways the two are connected is through the symbolic instantiation of the team, its mascot.
Second, they maintain a form of gender essentialism, identifying athleticism Tarveg masculine and incompatible with femininity, a view belied by the mere existence of women athletes. For example, I meet my wife this way, that is, I asked for her in person.
MacKinnon, Catherine. She is also restrained in her estimation of how much of an impact women's sports fandom might make on mascotting.
New York: Oxford University Press. Foster, Susan Leigh.